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Maria worked at a warehouse in Ohio for seven years. When she tried to organize a union, her employer fired her, citing an "at-will" employment policy blessed by decades of Supreme Court precedent that treats workers as disposable. She can't sue because the Court gutted her right to collective action. She can't afford the lawyer fees because the Court eliminated class-action lawsuits for workers. She's drowning in medical debt because the Court has repeatedly undermined healthcare access. And when she went to vote, she faced new restrictions upheld by a Court that has systematically dismantled the Voting Rights Act.
Maria's story isn't unique. It's the story of millions of working people whose lives have been destroyed by a Supreme Court that has become a weapon against us.
The Supreme Court was supposed to be the guardian of our constitutional rights, the check against tyranny, the institution that protected the vulnerable from the powerful. Instead, it has become exactly the opposite: a captured institution serving corporate interests and right-wing ideologues, systematically stripping away our freedoms and handing power to the wealthy elite.
This is not hyperbole. This is the documented reality of what the Supreme Court has done.
In June 2022, the Court overturned Roe v. Wade, stripping away the constitutional right to abortion that had been recognized for nearly fifty years. Millions of women lost bodily autonomy overnight. Maternal mortality is rising. Women are dying from preventable complications because doctors fear prosecution. Teenagers are being forced to carry their rapists' babies. The human cost is incalculable, and it was entirely preventable.
In June 2023, the Court gutted affirmative action, making it harder for students of color to access higher education and setting back decades of progress toward racial justice. In the same term, they struck down Biden's student debt relief plan, keeping millions of working people trapped in debt bondage while corporations received billions in pandemic aid with no strings attached.
In 2024, the Court granted former President Trump sweeping immunity from prosecution for "official acts," placing presidents above the law and demolishing the principle that no one is above justice. They've attacked voting rights, weakened the EPA's ability to regulate pollution, sided with Christian nationalists trying to impose their religion on public life, and consistently ruled in favor of corporations over workers, polluters over communities, and the powerful over the powerless.
And now they're coming back for marriage equality. Justice Clarence Thomas explicitly called for reconsidering Obergefell v. Hodges, the decision that legalized same-sex marriage nationwide. They're eyeing contraception access. They're targeting voting rights again. They're preparing to dismantle what little remains of the social safety net.
The pattern is clear: This Court serves corporate power and right-wing ideology, not the American people.
The Supreme Court didn't become this corrupted overnight. This is the result of a decades-long, well-funded campaign by right-wing billionaires and corporate interests to capture the judiciary and use it as a tool to implement an unpopular agenda they could never achieve through democratic means.
The Federalist Society, funded by dark money from corporate donors, has spent forty years cultivating a pipeline of right-wing judges committed to rolling back workers' rights, environmental protections, civil rights, and reproductive freedom. Six of the nine current Supreme Court justices have Federalist Society connections. This isn't coincidence—it's the execution of a deliberate strategy.
Senate Republicans blocked President Obama's Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland for nearly a year, claiming it was too close to an election—then rushed through Amy Coney Barrett's confirmation just days before the 2020 election. They didn't just break precedent; they revealed that the only principle governing Court appointments is raw power.
And once installed, these justices have operated with zero accountability. Justice Clarence Thomas has received millions of dollars in undisclosed gifts from billionaire Republican donors—luxury vacations, private jet flights, tuition payments for his grandnephew—and faced no consequences. Justice Samuel Alito has accepted lavish trips from billionaires with cases before the Court. Justice Neil Gorsuch sold property to the CEO of a law firm that has argued cases before him. These aren't ethical lapses—they're evidence of corruption.
The Court has no enforceable ethics code. Justices serve lifetime appointments with no term limits. There's no mechanism to remove a justice except impeachment, which requires a two-thirds Senate vote—practically impossible in our polarized political system. And the Court itself has systematically limited Congress's ability to regulate it, creating a perfect cycle of unchecked power.
This is not how democracy works. This is how oligarchy works.
The Supreme Court was designed in an era when the framers believed educated, property-owning men would act with disinterested wisdom. That fantasy has been exposed. What we have instead is an institution captured by the same corporate and billionaire interests that dominate our politics, our media, and our economy—and the Court is being used to lock in that dominance permanently.
The Labor Party believes in democracy. We believe in justice. We believe that no institution should be above accountability, and no group of nine unelected lawyers should have the power to strip away the rights of millions of working people.
We refuse to accept that the Supreme Court's recent decisions are permanent or legitimate. They represent the will of corporate donors and right-wing ideologues, not the American people. And we have both the constitutional authority and the moral obligation to fix this broken institution.
Here is our comprehensive plan for Supreme Court reform:
The Constitution does not specify how many justices should sit on the Supreme Court. Congress has changed the size of the Court seven times in American history. The current number—nine—is not sacred or permanent. It's simply what Congress decided in 1869.
We will expand the Supreme Court to at least 15 justices, with potential for further expansion to 21.
This accomplishes several critical goals:
First, it immediately dilutes the power of the current six-justice conservative supermajority that was installed through procedural manipulation and dark money influence. Adding justices committed to workers' rights, reproductive freedom, voting rights, and environmental protection will restore balance to a Court that has lurched dangerously rightward.
Second, it creates redundancy and resilience. With more justices, the Court becomes less vulnerable to the whims of individual members, reduces the stakes of any single appointment, and makes it harder for special interests to capture the institution.
Third, it sends an unmistakable message: We will not allow our democracy to be hijacked by a minority faction using lifetime appointments to impose their will. The people, through their elected representatives, have the power to restructure the Court—and we will use it.
Critics will call this "court packing." Good. It's exactly what Republicans did when they blocked Garland and rushed through Barrett. The difference is we're doing it to restore democracy, not to destroy it.
Lifetime appointments made sense when life expectancy was much shorter and justices typically served 10-15 years. Today, justices serve for decades, creating a gerontocracy that is fundamentally undemocratic and unresponsive to changing social conditions.
We will implement 18-year term limits for all Supreme Court justices, with appointments staggered so each president nominates two justices per four-year term.
This reform makes the Court more democratic and predictable. It eliminates the lottery of when justices die or retire, which currently gives some presidents multiple appointments and others none. It ensures regular turnover that reflects evolving social values without creating instability.
Current justices appointed before this reform will be grandfathered into senior status after 18 years, able to serve on lower courts but not the Supreme Court. New appointments will be subject to these term limits from day one.
The Supreme Court is the only court in America without an enforceable ethics code. Every other federal judge is subject to strict ethics rules. The Supreme Court has exempted itself—and the results have been predictably disastrous.
We will establish a comprehensive, binding code of ethics for Supreme Court justices with real enforcement mechanisms.
This code will:
Violations will trigger impeachment proceedings. No more slaps on the wrist. No more self-regulation. Real accountability, enforced by people outside the Supreme Court's control.
Several current justices have engaged in conduct that would result in removal from any other judicial position. We cannot reform the Court while allowing these justices to continue serving.
We will pursue impeachment and removal of justices who have demonstrated ethical violations, conflicts of interest, or deliberate deception during their confirmation hearings.
Specifically:
Clarence Thomas has accepted millions of dollars in undisclosed gifts from Republican megadonors, failed to recuse himself from cases involving his wife's political activities (including January 6th-related cases), and repeatedly violated financial disclosure laws. This is corruption, plain and simple. He should be impeached and removed.
Samuel Alito has accepted luxury fishing trips and private jet travel from billionaire Republican donors with interests before the Court, refused to recuse himself from cases involving these donors, and engaged in partisan political activity that compromises his impartiality. He should be impeached and removed.
Brett Kavanaugh faces credible allegations of sexual assault that were never properly investigated due to Republican Senate leadership limiting the FBI's inquiry. Additionally, he demonstrated extreme partisan bias during his confirmation hearing and may have committed perjury regarding his role in Bush-era torture policies and surveillance programs. At minimum, a full investigation should be conducted, with impeachment proceedings if evidence supports it.
Neil Gorsuch occupies a seat that was stolen when Republicans refused to consider Merrick Garland. While Gorsuch himself may not have committed impeachable offenses, his appointment lacks democratic legitimacy. Additionally, his property sale to the CEO of a major law firm shortly after confirmation raises serious ethics concerns that warrant investigation.
Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed in a rushed, illegitimate process just days before the 2020 election, violating the precedent Republicans themselves established with Garland. Her entire confirmation was a partisan power grab. While this may not constitute grounds for removal under current law, it demonstrates the need for fundamental Court reform.
We recognize that impeachment requires a two-thirds Senate vote. If we cannot achieve removal through impeachment, we will use Court expansion to neutralize these justices' power and render them irrelevant to the Court's functioning.
The Constitution gives Congress the power to regulate the Supreme Court's jurisdiction. We will use that power to protect fundamental rights from a hostile Court.
We will pass legislation removing the Supreme Court's jurisdiction to hear cases involving:
This is not unprecedented. Congress has limited the Court's jurisdiction many times throughout American history. Article III of the Constitution explicitly gives Congress this power. We will use it to protect the rights the Court seeks to destroy.
While we work on structural Court reform, we will immediately begin passing legislation to reverse the Court's most harmful decisions and restore the rights they've taken away.
We will pass comprehensive federal legislation to:
Some of these will require constitutional amendments, which is difficult—but not impossible. We built the labor movement by organizing millions of working people to demand their rights. We can do it again.
The ultimate solution is a new constitutional framework that explicitly protects workers' rights, reproductive freedom, environmental protection, and democratic accountability—rights the current Court has systematically attacked.
We will organize a movement to convene a constitutional convention under Article V of the Constitution to propose amendments including:
This is a long-term project—but the Labor Party is committed to the long-term work of building real democracy. Constitutional conventions require two-thirds of state legislatures to call them, or two-thirds of Congress to propose amendments. We will organize state-by-state campaigns to elect legislators committed to this agenda, build coalitions with other progressive movements, and create the political power to make fundamental constitutional change possible.
The Supreme Court isn't the only broken part of our judiciary. Lower federal courts are filled with right-wing ideologues appointed by Trump and other Republican presidents, often with Federalist Society backing.
We will expand the lower federal courts to dilute the power of these judges and bring more balance to the judiciary.
We will investigate and impeach lower court judges who have demonstrated bias, corruption, or ethical violations.
We will establish rotating assignment systems for cases to prevent judge-shopping by corporations and right-wing litigants.
We will create specialized courts for labor disputes, environmental cases, and civil rights claims, staffed by judges with expertise in these areas and commitment to protecting workers and vulnerable populations.
Critics will say this plan is too radical, too aggressive, too willing to break with tradition. They're wrong.
What's radical is allowing nine unelected lawyers to strip away the rights of millions of people.
What's radical is letting justices accept bribes from billionaires and face no consequences.
What's radical is forcing women to die from preventable complications because politicians control their bodies.
What's radical is blocking student debt relief for working people while giving trillions in tax cuts to the wealthy.
What's radical is placing presidents above the law.
What's radical is destroying voting rights and making it harder for people of color to participate in democracy.
Our plan is not radical. It's a restoration of democracy.
Every reform we're proposing is constitutional. Congress has the power to expand the Court, regulate its jurisdiction, set term limits, establish ethics rules, and impeach justices. State legislatures have the power to call a constitutional convention. These are not radical departures from American democracy—they're the proper use of democratic power to check an institution that has abused its authority.
The Supreme Court itself has changed size seven times. FDR threatened Court expansion in the 1930s, and the Court responded by backing down from its campaign against the New Deal. The Court's jurisdiction has been limited by Congress many times throughout American history. Every other democracy has term limits for judges. Many democracies have mandatory retirement ages. Ethics codes for judges are universal in functioning democracies.
What's actually radical is the idea that the Supreme Court should be above democratic accountability, that justices should serve for life with no oversight, that they should be allowed to accept bribes, that their decisions stripping away rights should be treated as permanent and irreversible.
We reject that vision utterly.
Corporate media and establishment politicians—including many Democrats—will attack this plan viciously. They'll say we're destroying democratic norms, threatening the rule of law, and engaging in partisan revenge.
This is predictable. It's also completely wrong.
The same people wringing their hands about "norms" said nothing when Republicans blocked Merrick Garland. They said nothing when Trump appointed three justices in four years. They said nothing when those justices overturned Roe. They said nothing when the Court granted Trump immunity. They say nothing about Clarence Thomas's corruption.
They don't actually care about norms or rules. They care about protecting power—and the Supreme Court, as currently constituted, protects their power. A Court that weakens unions helps them. A Court that sides with corporations over workers helps them. A Court that restricts voting rights helps them. A Court that allows unlimited corporate political spending helps them.
They will fight our reforms because our reforms threaten their power. That's exactly why we must pursue them.
But we have something they don't: the power of working people united and organized.
The labor movement built this country. We won the eight-hour workday through strikes, not Supreme Court decisions. We won the right to organize through direct action, not judicial appointments. We won Social Security and Medicare through mass political pressure, not legal briefs. We won civil rights through sustained organizing and resistance, not genteel appeals to reason.
Every major expansion of rights in American history has come from popular movements forcing change, often over the objections of courts and elites.
The Supreme Court didn't grant rights—people organized, fought, and demanded them. When the Court stood in the way, we went around it, over it, or through it. We changed its composition, limited its jurisdiction, or simply built so much political power that even hostile courts had to recognize reality.
We will do the same thing now.
This fight will be won or lost based on whether working people organize to demand change. The Labor Party is building that movement, but we need you to join us.
Here's how to get involved:
We are at a crossroads.
Down one path lies acceptance: We accept that the Supreme Court will continue stripping away our rights. We accept that justices can be bought by billionaires. We accept that our democracy will be governed by nine unelected lawyers serving lifetime appointments. We accept that workers will have no power, women will have no bodily autonomy, people of color will face voter suppression, and LGBTQIA+ people will live in fear of losing their rights. We accept managed decline into oligarchy.
Down the other path lies resistance: We fight back. We organize. We build power. We demand that our elected representatives expand the Court, impose term limits, establish ethics rules, and remove corrupt justices. We pass legislation to restore the rights the Court has taken. We build a movement powerful enough to convene a constitutional convention and enshrine workers' rights in our founding document. We refuse to accept that democracy is dead.
The Labor Party chooses resistance. We choose the fight.
Because we know something the billionaires and corporate lawyers don't: Working people, when organized and united, are the most powerful force in society. We built this country with our labor. We can reshape it with our collective power.
The Supreme Court thinks it can strip away our rights with impunity. It thinks we'll accept its decisions as final because we've been taught to revere the Court as beyond politics, above accountability, entitled to deference.
We will teach them they were wrong.
We will organize millions of working people to demand Court reform. We will elect representatives who will expand the Court and impose accountability. We will pass laws the Court cannot overturn. We will build a movement so powerful that even lifetime-appointed justices will have to recognize that working people, not billionaires, are the ultimate source of power in a democracy.
This is not just about the Supreme Court. It's about whether we will live in a democracy or an oligarchy. It's about whether working people will have power or remain subjects of corporate rule. It's about whether the next generation will inherit a world where their rights are protected or a world where courts serve the wealthy and powerful.
The Labor Party is building the movement to win this fight. Join us.
Together, we will restore democracy. Together, we will take back the Court. Together, we will build the world working people deserve.
The Supreme Court was supposed to deliver justice. Instead, it has become a tool of oppression. We will not beg for our rights. We will not accept this Court's authority to take them away.
We will fight. We will organize. We will win.
Power to the workforce. 🌹
The Labor Party is building independent political power for working people across all 50 states. Join us at votelabor.org to organize for Supreme Court reform, workers' rights, and real democracy. This isn't just about elections—it's about movement-building. Together we bargain. Together we rise.
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