Worker productivity grew 60 percent since 1979. Most workers' wages grew a fraction of that. Democrats held the White House twenty of those years, Republicans the other twenty. The corporate money kept flowing to both, and the policy outcomes followed the money.
Both parties have held power repeatedly over the last forty years. In that time, wages fell behind the cost of living, housing became unaffordable for millions of families, healthcare got more expensive while covering less, and corporate profits hit record highs. Both parties take money from the same corporations and deliver for them. That's the mechanism. That's the whole explanation.
In 1980, a full-time worker earning the median wage could afford a median-priced home. Today that math doesn't work in most of the country. Rent alone consumes more than 30 percent of income for roughly half of American renters, and in major cities it's far worse.
Healthcare costs have risen faster than wages for decades. The average employer-sponsored family health plan now costs over $22,000 a year. Most of that falls on workers through premiums, deductibles, and out-of-pocket costs that have grown while coverage has shrunk.
Wages tell the same story. Worker productivity in the United States has grown by 60 percent since 1979. Wages for most workers have grown by a fraction of that. The gap between what workers produce and what they're paid is the result of policy choices, made by both parties, that favored corporations and shareholders over the people doing the work.
Democrats held the White House for twenty of those forty years. Republicans held it for twenty. Both parties controlled Congress at various points. The problems got worse under all of them.
The reason both parties fail is not complicated once you see it.
Pharmaceutical companies spent over $370 million lobbying Congress in 2024. They donated to Democratic campaigns and Republican campaigns. In return, drug prices in the United States are three to ten times higher than in peer countries, and Congress has repeatedly blocked or weakened legislation that would have changed that. The companies spent the money because the investment pays off.
The real estate and construction lobbying complex spent over $100 million influencing federal policy in the same cycle. Policies that would meaningfully expand housing supply or cap rent increases have stalled or failed repeatedly in Congress and in state legislatures across the country. The money explains the outcomes.
Wall Street banks and financial firms are among the largest donors to both parties in every election cycle. Financial regulation that would genuinely constrain their practices has been weakened, delayed, or reversed by administrations of both parties. The pattern holds regardless of which party is in power because the money flows to both.
This is the actual transaction at work. When you spend enough money on a politician's campaign, you get access, you get favorable legislation, and you get protection from legislation that would cost you money. Both parties participate, and both parties deliver on it.
A common response to this reality is to argue that the right candidates haven't been elected yet. Put better Democrats in office. Put better Republicans in office. Elect more progressive members of Congress. Elect more conservative ones. The problem will be solved when the right people are running things.
That argument has been tested for four decades. The candidates change. The parties rotate in and out of power. The corporate money remains, and the outcomes remain roughly the same. Drug prices stay high. Housing stays unaffordable. Wages stay flat relative to costs. Corporate profits stay at record levels.
The issue is structural, not personal. A politician who raises money from pharmaceutical companies to win office is not in a position to aggressively cut pharmaceutical profits once in office. Not because they're a bad person, but because the funding relationship creates obligations that outlast the campaign. Future elections require future fundraising. The donors who wrote checks before will write them again if the politician delivers, and pull their money if he doesn't.
Better people inside a structurally compromised system produce marginally better outcomes at best. The system is designed to absorb good intentions and convert them into acceptable losses for the donor class.
A 2024 study from the Center for Working-Class Politics surveyed 3,000 voters using a randomized controlled trial design. They tested different types of economic messaging to see what actually moved voters who had been disengaged from politics.
The finding that stands out: messaging that specifically named corporate villains and made concrete promises about wages and costs outperformed standard Democratic and Republican economic messaging by more than ten percentage points among non-college voters. Voters want someone to fight for them. They can identify who's not fighting for them. They've just run out of options on the existing ballot.
The demand for a party that actually fights pharmaceutical companies, real estate developers, and Wall Street on behalf of ordinary Americans is real and documented. What hasn't existed is a party capable of doing it, because every party in the system is funded by the people it would need to fight.
A party that takes corporate money cannot fight the corporations writing the checks. That's a structural reality.
The Labor Party takes zero corporate donations. That's the condition that makes everything else possible. When pharmaceutical companies haven't funded our candidates, we can push to cut your drug prices. When the real estate lobby hasn't written us checks, we can push to lower your rent. When Wall Street hasn't donated to our campaigns, we can push for financial rules that actually protect you.
Both parties have had forty years to fix the problems ordinary Americans face every day. The outcomes are the record. If you've been waiting for one of them to finally come through, that wait has a cost measured in rent you couldn't afford, prescriptions you rationed, and wages that never caught up.
The alternative is to build something that isn't bought, and that work starts now rather than after another decade of waiting.